The Janissaries — the corps that made and unmade sultans was annihilated in a day

The Janissaries — the yeniçeri, “new soldiers,” the elite slave-infantry of the Ottoman Empire — were created in the late fourteenth century, traditionally around 1363 under Sultan Murad I, and they were destroyed in a single bloody confrontation in the Ottoman capital in June 1826. On the night of 14–15 June 1826, the corps rose in revolt against Sultan Mahmud II’s military reforms; the next day, loyal artillery bombarded the rebel barracks at the Et Meydanı, killing thousands. By the sultan’s decree the corps was abolished, its order outlawed, and its survivors hunted down, executed, or exiled. The Ottomans called the episode the Vaka-i Hayriyye, the “Auspicious Incident.”

What fell was not merely a regiment but a power within the state. For four centuries the Janissaries had been the world’s first standing professional infantry, recruited as boys through the devshirme levy of Christian children from the Balkans, converted to Islam, and trained into a disciplined corps loyal in principle to the sultan alone. They spearheaded the conquests that built the empire — the taking of Constantinople in 1453 among them — and they were long the most formidable infantry in Europe and the Near East. But over time the corps swelled, decayed, and turned inward, until it had become less the empire’s sword than its veto.

By the early nineteenth century the Janissaries numbered well over a hundred thousand on the rolls, many of them not soldiers at all but tradesmen drawing pay and guarding privileges they no longer earned. They had repeatedly mutinied, deposed sultans, and killed reform-minded rulers who threatened them, including Mahmud II’s predecessor Selim III. They were a praetorian class the throne could neither command nor reform — and the central obstacle to the modernization the empire needed to survive.

The mechanism of the fall was a reform deliberately engineered to provoke the predictable revolt, and the means to crush it prepared in advance. Mahmud II spent years building support among the clergy, the navy, and a loyal artillery corps before announcing a new European-style army in 1826. When the Janissaries rose as expected, he had the religious authority of a fatwa, the Prophet’s Sacred Banner unfurled to rally the populace, and cannon trained on their barracks. The corps that had brought down sultans for centuries was broken in an afternoon and abolished outright; thousands were killed in the fighting, the burning of the barracks, and the executions that followed.

The Mamluks of Egypt — a slave-soldier caste lured to a citadel and gunned down

The Mamluks were a caste of slave-soldiers who had governed Egypt as a military elite for more than five centuries, and they were destroyed on 1 March 1811 in a single morning of planned slaughter known as the Massacre of the Citadel. The man who ended them was Muhammad Ali Pasha, an Albanian officer who had risen out of Egypt’s chaos to become the Ottoman governor of the province in 1805. Having invited the leading Mamluk beys to a ceremony at the Cairo Citadel, he had them trapped in a narrow passage and shot. Of roughly 470 who entered, almost none came out alive; the killing then spread across Egypt for days.

What fell was not a foreign army but the country’s own ruling military caste — a self-perpetuating order built, paradoxically, on purchased and enslaved foreign youths. The original Mamluks were boys, mostly Turkic and later Circassian, bought as slaves, converted to Islam, and trained from childhood as elite cavalry. From 1250 they ruled Egypt and Syria in their own right as the Mamluk Sultanate, halting the Mongol advance at Ain Jalut in 1260 and expelling the last Crusaders. The Ottoman sultan Selim I conquered the sultanate in 1516–17, but the Mamluk system survived: under Ottoman suzerainty the beys continued to dominate Egypt’s land, revenue, and soldiery as a turbulent, autonomous aristocracy.

By the early nineteenth century that autonomy had become an obstacle to anyone who wished to rule Egypt outright. Napoleon’s invasion of 1798 shattered the old order without replacing it, and the French withdrawal left a three-way contest between Ottoman authority, the surviving Mamluk beys, and the Albanian troops sent to expel the French. Muhammad Ali, commanding those Albanians, won the contest by maneuver and was confirmed as governor in 1805 — but the Mamluk beys remained, armed, landed, and capable of raising forces against him.

The mechanism of the fall was treachery dressed as ceremony. Rather than fight the Mamluks in the field, where they had repeatedly proven resilient, Muhammad Ali eliminated their leadership in a controlled space. He summoned the beys to honor his son Tusun’s departure on a campaign against the Wahhabis in Arabia, drew them into the fortress, sealed the gates, and ordered them killed. The decapitation of the caste’s command was followed by a hunt for Mamluks throughout the country. With its leaders dead and its survivors scattered or absorbed, the order that had ruled Egypt since the thirteenth century ceased to exist as a political power.